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Porn is broken by members

Porn is broken by members

Porn is broken by members

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v Impression(5)Its not often that Im as excited at the opportunity to review a site as I was when I found out I was writing about Karups Private Collection. This website has been around for years and it has a reputation that proceeds it for being one of the best adult sites on the web. Karups PC claims to update their site 5 times a week with a massive amount of new photo sets and videos, and a quick peek into their members area proved that this claim is 100 true. Furthermore, they say that their main goal is customer satisfaction, and with the massive amount of content they give you in the members area, I doubt they receive many complaints.The members area of this site is very basic and easy to navigate, which is a necessity when there are tens of thousands of sets to go through. They break their content down into five photo collections, separated by niche, one movie archive, a feeds collection, a model index, and a DVD store. The members area of this site has almost doubled in size since the last time it was reviewed here on Porn Inspector because of their massive weekly update schedule, so the content amounts listed at the bottom of this review will already be obsolete by the time you read this. Of course, theres already more porn on this website than most people could view in a lifetime, so the updates are just icing on the cake.Click here to enlarge memberzone screenshotThe movies arent the main focus of this site, but there are still thousands of them here, and they are all high quality, with the latest videos being much better than those added years ago, of course. The movies are added to the site in albums of around 8 videos at a time and are mostly softcore with the occasional hardcore movie thrown in. Theres no way to search these videos for a specific niche or model, so you pretty much have to navigate blindly through hundreds of pages of updates to find what youre looking for.If I have one big complaint about Karups Private Collection, its that a site this size really needs some sort of search function for the movies and photo sets so you can search for keywords like redhead, dildo, panties, or whatever your interest is. They do have a searchable model index for the photos but no videos come up in the searches. Also, you can only search by model name, not by fetish, niche, or key word. The problem with searching by model name, is that the girls on this site are only given first names, even if theyre fairly well known pornstars, so a search for Samantha, for example, brings up 13 different models that share that name.Getting back to the subject of movies, the clips on this site are mainly softcore, as I mentioned before, featuring a lot of strip teases, lesbian pussy licking, masturbation, toys, and other solo action. However, about one video per update is hardcore, containing blowjobs, straight sex, anal, cumshots, facials, deep throat cock sucking, and more. If you do the math, that works out to several hundred hardcore videos out of the thousands of total movies, which isnt too shabby if youre looking for hardcore content. The only problem I have with the movies on this site is that theyre broken down into 24 clips per scene instead of being available as full downloads.The main focus of Karups PC is on their exclusive photo shoots, a massive amount of which are added to the members area several times a week. The photos are definitely better organized than the videos, as theyre broken down by niche and also searchable by model name, as I mentioned before. The largest photo archive on the site by far features all the amateur, glamour model, and teen picture galleries. The other categories extensively covered here include Asians, exotics, older women, anal, guygirl, blowjobs, girlgirl, 3 or more, and girls with toys. The photos and videos are produced in studios by professional photographers for the most part, and they feature a nice assortment of stunning ladies of all types. There are plenty of amateurs here, especially in the niche sections, but for the most part the girls are goodloking professional models.If the pictures and videos somehow arent enough for you, this site has a nice assortment of bonus feeds, including cams, streaming videos, and photo galleries. Some of the better ones are Campus Confessions, Lipstick Lesbos, Hustlers Barely Legal , Hustler XXX, Asian Fever , Mr. Beaver, Young Black Poontang, Jail Babes, Hustler Platinum, Paradise Feeds, and Whore Hunter. Theres also a DVD store here, where you can purchase DVDs containing your favorite movies from the site if youd rather watch them on your TV than your computer.v Conclusion(4.8)Karups Private Collection is one of the largest and most popular adult websites on the Internet today because they update several times a week with quality exclusive content. Theres literally years worth of updates in the members area already, which adds up to more porn that most people could view in a lifetime. If youre looking for a great general porn site to join thats a good value and updated regularly, youve come to the right place.Click here to visit Karups PC PornInspector.com, 20032018 MarRelated keywords: karupspc, karups pc, Karups Private Collection

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PrintText SizeIn the mid1970s The State of New Jersey announced a Safe and Clean Neighborhoods Program, designed to improve the quality of community life in twentyeight cities. As part of that program, the state provided money to help cities take police officers out of their patrol cars and assign them to walking beats. The governor and other state officials were enthusiastic about using foot patrol as a way of cutting crime, but many police chiefs were skeptical. Foot patrol, in their eyes, had been pretty much discredited. It reduced the mobility of the police, who thus had difficulty responding to citizen calls for service, and it weakened headquarters control over patrol officers.Many police officers also disliked foot patrol, but for different reasons: it was hard work, it kept them outside on cold, rainy nights, and it reduced their chances for making a good pinch. In some departments, assigning officers to foot patrol had been used as a form of punishment. And academic experts on policing doubted that foot patrol would have any impact on crime rates it was, in the opinion of most, little more than a sop to public opinion. But since the state was paying for it, the local authorities were willing to go along.Five years after the program started, the Police Foundation, in Washington, D.C., published an evaluation of the footpatrol project. Based on its analysis of a carefully controlled experiment carried out chiefly in Newark, the foundation concluded, to the surprise of hardly anyone, that foot patrol had not reduced crime rates. But residents of the foot patrolled neighborhoods seemed to feel more secure than persons in other areas, tended to believe that crime had been reduced, and seemed to take fewer steps to protect themselves from crime (staying at home with the doors locked, for example). Moreover, citizens in the footpatrol areas had a more favorable opinion of the police than did those living elsewhere. And officers walking beats had higher morale, greater job satisfaction, and a more favorable attitude toward citizens in their neighborhoods than did officers assigned to patrol cars.These findings may be taken as evidence that the skeptics were right foot patrol has no effect on crime it merely fools the citizens into thinking that they are safer. But in our view, and in the view of the authors of the Police Foundation study (of whom Kelling was one), the citizens of Newark were not fooled at all. They knew what the footpatrol officers were doing, they knew it was different from what motorized officers do, and they knew that having officers walk beats did in fact make their neighborhoods safer.But how can a neighborhood be safer when the crime rate has not gone downin fact, may have gone up? Finding the answer requires first that we understand what most often frightens people in public places. Many citizens, of course, are primarily frightened by crime, especially crime involving a sudden, violent attack by a stranger. This risk is very real, in Newark as in many large cities. But we tend to overlook another source of fearthe fear of being bothered by disorderly people. Not violent people, nor, necessarily, criminals, but disreputable or obstreperous or unpredictable people: panhandlers, drunks, addicts, rowdy teenagers, prostitutes, loiterers, the mentally disturbed.What footpatrol officers did was to elevate, to the extent they could, the level of public order in these neighborhoods. Though the neighborhoods were predominantly black and the foot patrolmen were mostly white, this ordermaintenance function of the police was performed to the general satisfaction of both parties.One of us (Kelling) spent many hours walking with Newark footpatrol officers to see how they defined order and what they did to maintain it. One beat was typical: a busy but dilapidated area in the heart of Newark, with many abandoned buildings, marginal shops (several of which prominently displayed knives and straightedged razors in their windows), one large department store, and, most important, a train station and several major bus stops. Though the area was rundown, its streets were filled with people, because it was a major transportation center. The good order of this area was important not only to those who lived and worked there but also to many others, who had to move through it on their way home, to supermarkets, or to factories.The people on the street were primarily black the officer who walked the street was white. The people were made up of regulars and strangers. Regulars included both decent folk and some drunks and derelicts who were always there but who knew their place. Strangers were, well, strangers, and viewed suspiciously, sometimes apprehensively. The officercall him Kellyknew who the regulars were, and they knew him. As he saw his job, he was to keep an eye on strangers, and make certain that the disreputable regulars observed some informal but widely understood rules. Drunks and addicts could sit on the stoops, but could not lie down. People could drink on side streets, but not at the main intersection. Bottles had to be in paper bags. Talking to, bothering, or begging from people waiting at the bus stop was strictly forbidden. If a dispute erupted between a businessman and a customer, the businessman was assumed to be right, especially if the customer was a stranger. If a stranger loitered, Kelly would ask him if he had any means of support and what his business was if he gave unsatisfactory answers, he was sent on his way. Persons who broke the informal rules, especially those who bothered people waiting at bus stops, were arrested for vagrancy. Noisy teenagers were told to keep quiet.These rules were defined and enforced in collaboration with the regulars on the street. Another neighborhood might have different rules, but these, everybody understood, were the rules for this neighborhood. If someone violated them, the regulars not only turned to Kelly for help but also ridiculed the violator. Sometimes what Kelly did could be described as enforcing the law, but just as often it involved taking informal or extralegal steps to help protect what the neighborhood had decided was the appropriate level of public order. Some of the things he did probably would not withstand a legal challenge.A determined skeptic might acknowledge that a skilled footpatrol officer can maintain order but still insist that this sort of order has little to do with the real sources of community fearthat is, with violent crime. To a degree, that is true. But two things must be borne in mind. First, outside observers should not assume that they know how much of the anxiety now endemic in many bigcity neighborhoods stems from a fear of real crime and how much from a sense that the street is disorderly, a source of distasteful, worrisome encounters. The people of Newark, to judge from their behavior and their remarks to interviewers, apparently assign a high value to public order, and feel relieved and reassured when the police help them maintain that order.Second, at the community level, disorder and crime are usually inextricably linked, in a kind of developmental sequence. Social psychologists and police officers tend to agree that if a window in a building is broken and is left unrepaired, all the rest of the windows will soon be broken. This is as true in nice neighborhoods as in rundown ones. Windowbreaking does not necessarily occur on a large scale because some areas are inhabited by determined windowbreakers whereas others are populated by windowlovers rather, one unrepaired broken window is a signal that no one cares, and so breaking more windows costs nothing. (It has always been fun.)Philip Zimbardo, a Stanford psychologist, reported in 1969 on some experiments testing the brokenwindow theory. He arranged to have an automobile without license plates parked with its hood up on a street in the Bronx and a comparable automobile on a street in Palo Alto, California. The car in the Bronx was attacked by vandals within ten minutes of its abandonment. The first to arrive were a familyfather, mother, and young sonwho removed the radiator and battery. Within twentyfour hours, virtually everything of value had been removed. Then random destruction beganwindows were smashed, parts torn off, upholstery ripped. Children began to use the car as a playground. Most of the adult vandals were welldressed, apparently cleancut whites. The car in Palo Alto sat untouched for more than a week. Then Zimbardo smashed part of it with a sledgehammer. Soon, passersby were joining in. Within a few hours, the car had been turned upside down and utterly destroyed. Again, the vandals appeared to be primarily respectable whites.Untended property becomes fair game for people out for fun or plunder and even for people who ordinarily would not dream of doing such things and who probably consider themselves lawabiding. Because of the nature of community life in the Bronxits anonymity, the frequency with which cars are abandoned and things are stolen or broken, the past experience of no one caringvandalism begins much more quickly than it does in staid Palo Alto, where people have come to believe that private possessions are cared for, and that mischievous behavior is costly. But vandalism can occur anywhere once communal barriersthe sense of mutual regard and the obligations of civilityare lowered by actions that seem to signal that no one cares.We suggest that untended behavior also leads to the breakdown of community controls. A stable neighborhood of families who care for their homes, mind each others children, and confidently frown on unwanted intruders can change, in a few years or even a few months, to an inhospitable and frightening jungle. A piece of property is abandoned, weeds grow up, a window is smashed. Adults stop scolding rowdy children the children, emboldened, become more rowdy. Families move out, unattached adults move in. Teenagers gather in front of the corner store. The merchant asks them to move they refuse. Fights occur. Litter accumulates. People start drinking in front of the grocery in time, an inebriate slumps to the sidewalk and is allowed to sleep it off. Pedestrians are approached by panhandlers.At this point it is not inevitable that serious crime will flourish or violent attacks on strangers will occur. But many residents will think that crime, especially violent crime, is on the rise, and they will modify their behavior accordingly. They will use the streets less often, and when on the streets will stay apart from their fellows, moving with averted eyes, silent lips, and hurried steps. Dont get involved. For some residents, this growing atomization will matter little, because the neighborhood is not their home but the place where they live. Their interests are elsewhere they are cosmopolitans. But it will matter greatly to other people, whose lives derive meaning and satisfaction from local attachments rather than worldly involvement for them, the neighborhood will cease to exist except for a few reliable friends whom they arrange to meet.Such an area is vulnerable to criminal invasion. Though it is not inevitable, it is more likely that here, rather than in places where people are confident they can regulate public behavior by informal controls, drugs will change hands, prostitutes will solicit, and cars will be stripped. That the drunks will be robbed by boys who do it as a lark, and the prostitutes customers will be robbed by men who do it purposefully and perhaps violently. That muggings will occur.Among those who often find it difficult to move away from this are the elderly. Surveys of citizens suggest that the elderly are much less likely to be the victims of crime than younger persons, and some have inferred from this that the wellknown fear of crime voiced by the elderly is an exaggeration: perhaps we ought not to design special programs to protect older persons perhaps we should even try to talk them out of their mistaken fears. This argument misses the point. The prospect of a confrontation with an obstreperous teenager or a drunken panhandler can be as fearinducing for defenseless persons as the prospect of meeting an actual robber indeed, to a defenseless person, the two kinds of confrontation are often indistinguishable. Moreover, the lower rate at which the elderly are victimized is a measure of the steps they have already takenchiefly, staying behind locked doorsto minimize the risks they face. Young men are more frequently attacked than older women, not because they are easier or more lucrative targets but because they are on the streets more.Nor is the connection between disorderliness and fear made only by the elderly. Susan Estrich, of the Harvard Law School, has recently gathered together a number of surveys on the sources of public fear. One, done in Portland, Oregon, indicated that three fourths of the adults interviewed cross to the other side of a street when they see a gang of teenagers another survey, in Baltimore, discovered that nearly half would cross the street to avoid even a single strange youth. When an interviewer asked people in a housing project where the most dangerous spot was, they mentioned a place where young persons gathered to drink and play music, despite the fact that not a single crime had occurred there. In Boston public housing projects, the greatest fear was expressed by persons living in the buildings where disorderliness and incivility, not crime, were the greatest. Knowing this helps one understand the significance of such otherwise harmless displays as subway graffiti. As Nathan Glazer has written, the proliferation of graffiti, even when not obscene, confronts the subway rider with the inescapable knowledge that the environment he must endure for an hour or more a day is uncontrolled and uncontrollable, and that anyone can invade it to do whatever damage and mischief the mind suggests.In response to fear people avoid one another, weakening controls. Sometimes they call the police. Patrol cars arrive, an occasional arrest occurs but crime continues and disorder is not abated. Citizens complain to the police chief, but he explains that his department is low on personnel and that the courts do not punish petty or firsttime offenders. To the residents, the police who arrive in squad cars are either ineffective or uncaring: to the police, the residents are animals who deserve each other. The citizens may soon stop calling the police, because they cant do anything.The process we call urban decay has occurred for centuries in every city. But what is happening today is different in at least two important respects. First, in the period before, say, World War II, city dwellers because of money costs, transportation difficulties, familial and church connectionscould rarely move away from neighborhood problems. When movement did occur, it tended to be along publictransit routes. Now mobility has become exceptionally easy for all but the poorest or those who are blocked by racial prejudice. Earlier crime waves had a kind of builtin selfcorrecting mechanism: the determination of a neighborhood or community to reassert control over its turf. Areas in Chicago, New York, and Boston would experience crime and gang wars, and then normalcy would return, as the families for whom no alternative residences were possible reclaimed their authority over the streets.Second, the police in this earlier period assisted in that reassertion of authority by acting, sometimes violently, on behalf of the community. Young toughs were roughed up, people were arrested on suspicion or for vagrancy, and prostitutes and petty thieves were routed. Rights were something enjoyed by decent folk, and perhaps also by the serious professional criminal, who avoided violence and could afford a lawyer.This pattern of policing was not an aberration or the result of occasional excess. From the earliest days of the nation, the police function was seen primarily as that of a night watchman: to maintain order against the chief threats to orderfire, wild animals, and disreputable behavior. Solving crimes was viewed not as a police responsibility but as a private one. In the March, 1969, Atlantic, one of us (Wilson) wrote a brief account of how the police role had slowly changed from maintaining order to fighting crimes. The change began with the creation of private detectives (often excriminals), who worked on a contingencyfee basis for individuals who had suffered losses. In time, the detectives were absorbed in municipal agencies and paid a regular salary simultaneously, the responsibility for prosecuting thieves was shifted from the aggrieved private citizen to the professional prosecutor. This process was not complete in most places until the twentieth century.In the l960s, when urban riots were a major problem, social scientists began to explore carefully the order maintenance function of the police, and to suggest ways of improving itnot to make streets safer (its original function) but to reduce the incidence of mass violence. Order maintenance became, to a degree, coterminous with community relations. But, as the crime wave that began in the early l960s continued without abatement throughout the decade and into the 1970s, attention shifted to the role of the police as crimefighters. Studies of police behavior ceased, by and large, to be accounts of the ordermaintenance function and became, instead, efforts to propose and test ways whereby the police could solve more crimes, make more arrests, and gather better evidence. If these things could be done, social scientists assumed, citizens would be less fearful.A great deal was accomplished during this transition, as both police chiefs and outside experts emphasized the crimefighting function in their plans, in the allocation of resources, and in deployment of personnel. The police may well have become better crimefighters as a result. And doubtless they remained aware of their responsibility for order. But the link between ordermaintenance and crimeprevention, so obvious to earlier generations, was forgotten.That link is similar to the process whereby one broken window becomes many. The citizen who fears the illsmelling drunk, the rowdy teenager, or the importuning beggar is not merely expressing his distaste for unseemly behavior he is also giving voice to a bit of folk wisdom that happens to be a correct generalizationnamely, that serious street crime flourishes in areas in which disorderly behavior goes unchecked. The unchecked panhandler is, in effect, the first broken window. Muggers and robbers, whether opportunistic or professional, believe they reduce their chances of being caught or even identified if they operate on streets where potential victims are already intimidated by prevailing conditions. If the neighborhood cannot keep a bothersome panhandler from annoying passersby, the thief may reason, it is even less likely to call the police to identify a potential mugger or to interfere if the mugging actually takes place.Some police administrators concede that this process occurs, but argue that motorizedpatrol officers can deal with it as effectively as foot patrol officers. We are not so sure. In theory, an officer in a squad car can observe as much as an officer on foot in theory, the former can talk to as many people as the latter. But the reality of policecitizen encounters is powerfully altered by the automobile. An officer on foot cannot separate himself from the street people if he is approached, only his uniform and his personality can help him manage whatever is about to happen. And he can never be certain what that will bea request for directions, a plea for help, an angry denunciation, a teasing remark, a confused babble, a threatening gesture.In a car, an officer is more likely to deal with street people by rolling down the window and looking at them. The door and the window exclude the approaching citizen they are a barrier. Some officers take advantage of this barrier, perhaps unconsciously, by acting differently if in the car than they would on foot. We have seen this countless times. The police car pulls up to a corner where teenagers are gathered. The window is rolled down. The officer stares at the youths. They stare back. The officer says to one, Cmere. He saunters over, conveying to his friends by his elaborately casual style the idea that he is not intimidated by authority. Whats your name? Chuck. Chuck who? Chuck Jones. Whatya doing, Chuck? Nothin. Got a P.O. parole officer? Nah. Sure? Yeah. Stay out of trouble, Chuckie. Meanwhile, the other boys laugh and exchange comments among themselves, probably at the officers expense. The officer stares harder. He cannot be certain what is being said, nor can he join in and, by displaying his own skill at street banter, prove that he cannot be put down. In the process, the officer has learned almost nothing, and the boys have decided the officer is an alien force who can safely be disregarded, even mocked.Our experience is that most citizens like to talk to a police officer. Such exchanges give them a sense of importance, provide them with the basis for gossip, and allow them to explain to the authorities what is worrying them (whereby they gain a modest but significant sense of having done something about the problem). You approach a person on foot more easily, and talk to him more readily, than you do a person in a car. Moreover, you can more easily retain some anonymity if you draw an officer aside for a private chat. Suppose you want to pass on a tip about who is stealing handbags, or who offered to sell you a stolen TV. In the inner city, the culprit, in all likelihood, lives nearby. To walk up to a marked patrol car and lean in the window is to convey a visible signal that you are a fink.The essence of the police role in maintaining order is to reinforce the informal control mechanisms of the community itself. The police cannot, without committing extraordinary resources, provide a substitute for that informal control. On the other hand, to reinforce those natural forces the police must accommodate them. And therein lies the problem.Should police activity on the street be shaped, in important ways, by the standards of the neighborhood rather than by the rules of the state? Over the past two decades, the shift of police from ordermaintenance to law enforcement has brought them increasingly under the influence of legal restrictions, provoked by media complaints and enforced by court decisions and departmental orders. As a consequence, the order maintenance functions of the police are now governed by rules developed to control police relations with suspected criminals. This is, we think, an entirely new development. For centuries, the role of the police as watchmen was judged primarily not in terms of its compliance with appropriate procedures but rather in terms of its attaining a desired objective. The objective was order, an inherently ambiguous term but a condition that people in a given community recognized when they saw it. The means were the same as those the community itself would employ, if its members were sufficiently determined, courageous, and authoritative. Detecting and apprehending criminals, by contrast, was a means to an end, not an end in itself a judicial determination of guilt or innocence was the hopedfor result of the lawenforcement mode. From the first, the police were expected to follow rules defining that process, though states differed in how stringent the rules should be. The criminalapprehension process was always understood to involve individual rights, the violation of which was unacceptable because it meant that the violating officer would be acting as a judge and juryand that was not his job. Guilt or innocence was to be determined by universal standards under special procedures.Ordinarily, no judge or jury ever sees the persons caught up in a dispute over the appropriate level of neighborhood order. That is true not only because most cases are handled informally on the street but also because no universal standards are available to settle arguments over disorder, and thus a judge may not be any wiser or more effective than a police officer. Until quite recently in many states, and even today in some places, the police made arrests on such charges as suspicious person or vagrancy or public drunkennesscharges with scarcely any legal meaning. These charges exist not because society wants judges to punish vagrants or drunks but because it wants an officer to have the legal tools to remove undesirable persons from a neighborhood when informal efforts to preserve order in the streets have failed.Once we begin to think of all aspects of police work as involving the application of universal rules under special procedures, we inevitably ask what constitutes an undesirable person and why we should criminalize vagrancy or drunkenness. A strong and commendable desire to see that people are treated fairly makes us worry about allowing the police to rout persons who are undesirable by some vague or parochial standard. A growing and notsocommendable utilitarianism leads us to doubt that any behavior that does not hurt another person should be made illegal. And thus many of us who watch over the police are reluctant to allow them to perform, in the only way they can, a function that every neighborhood desperately wants them to perform.This wish to decriminalize disreputable behavior that harms no one and thus remove the ultimate sanction the police can employ to maintain neighborhood orderis, we think, a mistake. Arresting a single drunk or a single vagrant who has harmed no identifiable person seems unjust, and in a sense it is. But failing to do anything about a score of drunks or a hundred vagrants may destroy an entire community. A particular rule that seems to make sense in the individual case makes no sense when it is made a universal rule and applied to all cases. It makes no sense because it fails to take into account the connection between one broken window left untended and a thousand broken windows. Of course, agencies other than the police could attend to the problems posed by drunks or the mentally ill, but in most communities especially where the deinstitutionalization movement has been strongthey do not.The concern about equity is more serious. We might agree that certain behavior makes one person more undesirable than another but how do we ensure that age or skin color or national origin or harmless mannerisms will not also become the basis for distinguishing the undesirable from the desirable? How do we ensure, in short, that the police do not become the agents of neighborhood bigotry?We can offer no wholly satisfactory answer to this important question. We are not confident that there is a satisfactory answer except to hope that by their selection, training, and supervision, the police will be inculcated with a clear sense of the outer limit of their discretionary authority. That limit, roughly, is thisthe police exist to help regulate behavior, not to maintain the racial or ethnic purity of a neighborhood.Consider the case of the Robert Taylor Homes in Chicago, one of the largest publichousing projects in the country. It is home for nearly 20,000 people, all black, and extends over ninetytwo acres along South State Street. It was named after a distinguished black who had been, during the 1940s, chairman of the Chicago Housing Authority. Not long after it opened, in 1962, relations between project residents and the police deteriorated badly. The citizens felt that the police were insensitive or brutal the police, in turn, complained of unprovoked attacks on them. Some Chicago officers tell of times when they were afraid to enter the Homes. Crime rates soared.Today, the atmosphere has changed. Policecitizen relations have improvedapparently, both sides learned something from the earlier experience. Recently, a boy stole a purse and ran off. Several young persons who saw the theft voluntarily passed along to the police information on the identity and residence of the thief, and they did this publicly, with friends and neighbors looking on. But problems persist, chief among them the presence of youth gangs that terrorize residents and recruit members in the project. The people expect the police to do something about this, and the police are determined to do just that.But do what? Though the police can obviously make arrests whenever a gang member breaks the law, a gang can form, recruit, and congregate without breaking the law. And only a tiny fraction of gangrelated crimes can be solved by an arrest thus, if an arrest is the only recourse for the police, the residents fears will go unassuaged. The police will soon feel helpless, and the residents will again believe that the police do nothing. What the police in fact do is to chase known gang members out of the project. In the words of one officer, We kick ass. Project residents both know and approve of this. The tacit policecitizen alliance in the project is reinforced by the police view that the cops and the gangs are the two rival sources of power in the area, and that the gangs are not going to win.None of this is easily reconciled with any conception of due process or fair treatment. Since both residents and gang members are black, race is not a factor. But it could be. Suppose a white project confronted a black gang, or vice versa. We would be apprehensive about the police taking sides. But the substantive problem remains the same: how can the police strengthen the informal socialcontrol mechanisms of natural communities in order to minimize fear in public places? Law enforcement, per se, is no answer: a gang can weaken or destroy a community by standing about in a menacing fashion and speaking rudely to passersby without breaking the law.We have difficulty thinking about such matters, not simply because the ethical and legal issues are so complex but because we have become accustomed to thinking of the law in essentially individualistic terms. The law defines my rights, punishes his behavior and is applied by that officer because of this harm. We assume, in thinking this way, that what is good for the individual will be good for the community and what doesnt matter when it happens to one person wont matter if it happens to many. Ordinarily, those are plausible assumptions. But in cases where behavior that is tolerable to one person is intolerable to many others, the reactions of the othersfear, withdrawal, flightmay ultimately make matters worse for everyone, including the individual who first professed his indifference.It may be their greater sensitivity to communal as opposed to individual needs that helps explain why the residents of small communities are more satisfied with their police than are the residents of similar neighborhoods in big cities. Elinor Ostrom and her coworkers at Indiana University compared the perception of police services in two poor, allblack Illinois townsPhoenix and East Chicago Heights with those of three comparable allblack neighborhoods in Chicago. The level of criminal victimization and the quality of policecommunity relations appeared to be about the same in the towns and the Chicago neighborhoods. But the citizens living in their own villages were much more likely than those living in the Chicago neighborhoods to say that they do not stay at home for fear of crime, to agree that the local police have the right to take any action necessary to deal with problems, and to agree that the police look out for the needs of the average citizen. It is possible that the residents and the police of the small towns saw themselves as engaged in a collaborative effort to maintain a certain standard of communal life, whereas those of the big city felt themselves to be simply requesting and supplying particular services on an individual basis.If this is true, how should a wise police chief deploy his meager forces? The first answer is that nobody knows for certain, and the most prudent course of action would be to try further variations on the Newark experiment, to see more precisely what works in what kinds of neighborhoods. The second answer is also a hedgemany aspects of order maintenance in neighborhoods can probably best be handled in ways that involve the police minimally if at all. A busy bustling shopping center and a quiet, welltended suburb may need almost no visible police presence. In both cases, the ratio of respectable to disreputable people is ordinarily so high as to make informal social control effective.Even in areas that are in jeopardy from disorderly elements, citizen action without substantial police involvement may be sufficient. Meetings between teenagers who like to hang out on a particular corner and adults who want to use that corner might well lead to an amicable agreement on a set of rules about how many people can be allowed to congregate, where, and when.Where no understanding is possibleor if possible, not observedcitizen patrols may be a sufficient response. There are two traditions of communal involvement in maintaining order: One, that of the community watchmen, is as old as the first settlement of the New World. Until well into the nineteenth century, volunteer watchmen, not policemen, patrolled their communities to keep order. They did so, by and large, without taking the law into their own handswithout, that is, punishing persons or using force. Their presence deterred disorder or alerted the community to disorder that could not be deterred. There are hundreds of such efforts today in communities all across the nation. Perhaps the best known is that of the Guardian Angels, a group of unarmed young persons in distinctive berets and Tshirts, who first came to public attention when they began patrolling the New York City subways but who claim now to have chapters in more than thirty American cities. Unfortunately, we have little information about the effect of these groups on crime. It is possible, however, that whatever their effect on crime, citizens find their presence reassuring, and that they thus contribute to maintaining a sense of order and civility.The second tradition is that of the vigilante. Rarely a feature of the settled communities of the East, it was primarily to be found in those frontier towns that grew up in advance of the reach of government. More than 350 vigilante groups are known to have existed their distinctive feature was that their members did take the law into their own hands, by acting as judge, jury, and often executioner as well as policeman. Today, the vigilante movement is conspicuous by its rarity, despite the great fear expressed by citizens that the older cities are becoming urban frontiers. But some communitywatchmen groups have skirted the line, and others may cross it in the future. An ambiguous case, reported in The Wall Street Journal involved a citizens patrol in the Silver Lake area of Belleville, New Jersey. A leader told the reporter, We look for outsiders. If a few teenagers from outside the neighborhood enter it, we ask them their business, he said. If they say theyre going down the street to see Mrs. Jones, fine, we let them pass. But then we follow them down the block to make sure theyre really going to see Mrs. Jones.Though citizens can do a great deal, the police are plainly the key to order maintenance. For one thing, many communities, such as the Robert Taylor Homes, cannot do the job by themselves. For another, no citizen in a neighborhood, even an organized one, is likely to feel the sense of responsibility that wearing a badge confers. Psychologists have done many studies on why people fail to go to the aid of persons being attacked or seeking help, and they have learned that the cause is not apathy or selfishness but the absence of some plausible grounds for feeling that one must personally accept responsibility. Ironically, avoiding responsibility is easier when a lot of people are standing about. On streets and in public places, where order is so important, many people are likely to be around, a fact that reduces the chance of any one person acting as the agent of the community. The police officers uniform singles him out as a person who must accept responsibility if asked. In addition, officers, more easily than their fellow citizens, can be expected to distinguish between what is necessary to protect the safety of the street and what merely protects its ethnic purity.But the police forces of America are losing, not gaining, members. Some cities have suffered substantial cuts in the number of officers available for duty. These cuts are not likely to be reversed in the near future. Therefore, each department must assign its existing officers with great care. Some neighborhoods are so demoralized and crimeridden as to make foot patrol useless the best the police can do with limited resources is respond to the enormous number of calls for service. Other neighborhoods are so stable and serene as to make foot patrol unnecessary. The key is to identify neighborhoods at the tipping pointwhere the public order is deteriorating but not unreclaimable, where the streets are used frequently but by apprehensive people, where a window is likely to be broken at any time, and must quickly be fixed if all are not to be shattered.Most police departments do not have ways of systematically identifying such areas and assigning officers to them. Officers are assigned on the basis of crime rates (meaning that marginally threatened areas are often stripped so that police can investigate crimes in areas where the situation is hopeless) or on the basis of calls for service (despite the fact that most citizens do not call the police when they are merely frightened or annoyed). To allocate patrol wisely, the department must look at the neighborhoods and decide, from firsthand evidence, where an additional officer will make the greatest difference in promoting a sense of safety.One way to stretch limited police resources is being tried in some public housing projects. Tenant organizations hire offduty police officers for patrol work in their buildings. The costs are not high (at least not per resident), the officer likes the additional income, and the residents feel safer. Such arrangements are probably more successful than hiring private watchmen, and the Newark experiment helps us understand why. A private security guard may deter crime or misconduct by his presence, and he may go to the aid of persons needing help, but he may well not intervenethat is, control or drive awaysomeone challenging community standards. Being a sworn officera real copseems to give one the confidence, the sense of duty, and the aura of authority necessary to perform this difficult task.Patrol officers might be encouraged to go to and from duty stations on public transportation and, while on the bus or subway car, enforce rules about smoking, drinking, disorderly conduct, and the like. The enforcement need involve nothing more than ejecting the offender (the offense, after all, is not one with which a booking officer or a judge wishes to be bothered). Perhaps the random but relentless maintenance of standards on buses would lead to conditions on buses that approximate the level of civility we now take for granted on airplanes.But the most important requirement is to think that to maintain order in precarious situations is a vital job. The police know this is one of their functions, and they also believe, correctly, that it cannot be done to the exclusion of criminal investigation and responding to calls. We may have encouraged them to suppose, however, on the basis of our oftrepeated concerns about serious, violent crime, that they will be judged exclusively on their capacity as crimefighters. To the extent that this is the case, police administrators will continue to concentrate police personnel in the highestcrime areas (though not necessarily in the areas most vulnerable to criminal invasion), emphasize their training in the law and criminal apprehension (and not their training in managing street life), and join too quickly in campaigns to decriminalize harmless behavior (though public drunkenness, street prostitution, and pornographic displays can destroy a community more quickly than any team of professional burglars).Above all, we must return to our longabandoned view that the police ought to protect communities as well as individuals. Our crime statistics and victimization surveys measure individual losses, but they do not measure communal losses. Just as physicians now recognize the importance of fostering health rather than simply treating illness, so the policeand the rest of usought to recognize the importance of maintaining, intact, communities without broken windows.

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